2012全国54所高校MTI翻译硕士考研真题汇总(5)

本站小编 免费考研网/2016-08-16


2篇英译汉  一篇是关于英国图书馆对于报纸的电子化的文章   一篇是关于空壳婚姻的文章   都是时文,感觉难度适中
2篇汉译英   一篇是关于环境的   一篇有点像政府工作报告里面的文章
1篇翻译评论(用中文写200-250个字左右)
1篇写一篇关于翻译定义和标准的文章(英文写  150个字)

百科知识与写作
百科知识25题     全部为填空    范围确实很广     很难,我有把握的也就几个   比如考什么  在日本女教师,女律师我们称之为什么?  人体的微量元素占体重的百分之几?  美国总统需在本国居住多长时间?  明朝年间国学又称之为?   《国富论》的作者?
有关姓氏     五岳   长江三峡     和平共处五项原则等等的题。
应用文  写广告   “机器人保姆”
大作文“城市让生活更美好”

郑州大学
基础英语:共分为四部分。
第一部分:单选20个20分,词汇语法都有,偏中词汇题。
第二部分:改错10个10分。
第三部分:阅读理解,其中前三篇每篇各五个选择题共30分,第四篇是五个简答题,共10分。
第四部分:写作。内容要求写univerisity life 给我们带来那些益处。

翻译基础:分为两部分。
第一部分:名词解释,15个英译汉15个汉译英,共30分。有:e-business, The Wall Street Journal,IMF,MIT,EU,市场调查,医保卡,全球定位系统,世界银行…
第二部分:第一篇英译汉,讲的是科学与生物控制学。第二篇是汉译英,大致是讲做学问的,两小段…

百科与写作:分为三部分。
第一部分:25道选择题50分。(觉得题目偏中文学和历史,政治经济地理很少,法律似乎没有涉及)记得的划线部分如下:国有四维中的四维,我思故我在是谁说的,卓别林是哪国人,《蒙娜丽莎》的作者是谁,姑苏城外寒山寺中的寒山的来历,三教九流中三教指,江左是,古希腊罗马神话中的爱神指谁,十月革命(选项是有关其意义)…
第二部分:应用文写作一篇40分:由一次幼儿园校车事故引发,请你以某市教育局的身份写一篇不少于400字的通知,内容涵盖针对校车事故的措施。
第三部分:汉语作文一篇60分:根据下面的题目写一篇不少于八百字的作文。
翻译的重要性










































16. 上海外国语大学
翻译硕士英语 总分 100分
2012年1月7号下午 14:00-17:00
I. 十五个无选项完形填空,每个2分。总分30分。
NICOLAS Sarkozy is causing a big stir after calling on November 8th for a two-speed Europe: a “federal” core of the 17 members of the euro zone, with a looser “confederal” outer band of the ten 1.non-euro members. He made the comments during a debate with students at the University of Strasbourg. The key passage is below (video here, starting near the 63-minute mark)
You cannot make a single 2.currency without economic convergence and economic integration. It's impossible. But on the contrary, one cannot plead for federalism and at the same time for the enlargement of Europe. It's impossible. There's a contradiction. We are 27. We will obviously have to open up to the Balkans. We will be 32, 33 or 34. I imagine that nobody thinks that 3.federalism—total integration—is possible at 33, 34, 35 countries.
So what one we do? To begin with, frankly, the single currency is a wonderful idea, but it was strange to create it without asking oneself the question of its governance, and without asking oneself about economic convergence. Honestly, it's nice to have a vision, but there are details that are 4.missing: we made a currency, but we kept fiscal systems and economic systems that not only were not 5.converging, but were diverging. And not only did we make a single currency without convergence, but we tried to undo the rules of the pact. It cannot work.
There will not be a single currency without greater economic integration and convergence. That is certain. And that is where we are going. Must one have the same rules for the 27? No. Absolutely not [...] In the end, clearly, there will be two European gears: one gear towards more integration in the euro zone and a gear that is more confederal in the European Union.
At first blush this is statement of the blindingly obvious. The euro zone must integrate to save itself; even the British say so. And among the ten non-euro states of the EU there are countries such as Britain and Denmark that have no 6.intention of joining the single currency.
The European Union is, in a sense, made up not of two but of 7.multiple speeds. Think only of the 25 members of the Schengen passport-free travel zone (excluding Britain but including some non-EU members), or of the 25 states seeking to create a common patent(including Britain, but excluding Italy and Spain).
But Mr Sarkozy’s comments are more worrying because, one suspects, he wants to create an exclusivist, protectionist euro zone that seeks to 8.detach itself from the rest of the European Union. Elsewhere in the debate in Strasbourg, for instance, Mr Sarkozy seems to suggest that Europe’s 9.troubles—debt and high unemployment—are all the 10.fault of social, environmental and monetary “dumping” by developing countries that pursue “aggressive” trade policies.
For another11. insight into Mr Sarkozy’s thinking about Europe, one should listen to an interview he gave a few days earlier, at the end of the marathon-summitry in Brussels at the end of October (video here, starting at about 54:30):
I don't think there is enough economic integration in the euro zone, the 17, and too much integration in the European Union at 27.
In other words, France, or Mr Sarkozy at any rate, does not appear to have got over its 12.resentment of the EU’s enlargement. At 27 nations-strong, the European Union is too big for France to lord it over the rest and is too liberal in economic terms for France’s protectionist leanings. Hence Mr Sarkozy’s yearning for a smaller, cosier, “federalist” euro zone.
Such ideas appeared to have been killed off by the large eastward 13.enlargement of the EU in 2004, and by the French voters’ rejection of the EU's new constitution in 2005. But the euro zone’s debt 14.crisis is reviving these old dreams.
But what sort of federalism? Mr Sarkozy probably wants to create a euro zone in France’s 15.image, with power (and much discretion) concentrated in the hands of leaders, where the “Merkozy” duo (Angela Merkel and Nicolas Sarkozy) will dominate. Germany will no doubt want a replica of its own federal system, with strong rules and powerful independent institutions to constrain politicians. Le Monde carries a series of articles (in French) on what a two-speed Europe may mean.
If the euro zone survives the crisis—and the meltdown of Italy’s bonds in the markets suggests that is becoming ever more difficult—it will plainly require deep reform of the EU’s treaties. Done properly, by keeping the euro open to countries that want to join (like Poland) and deepening the single market for those that do not (like Britain), the creation of a more flexible EU of variable geometry could ease many of the existing tensions. Further enlargement need no longer be so neuralgic; further integration need no longer be imposed on those who do not want it.
But done wrongly, as one fears Mr Sarkozy would have it, this will be a recipe for breaking up Europe. Not two-speed Europe but two separate Europes.
II. 一篇阅读理解,5个问题,总分30分
来自经济学人
World population
Now we are seven billion
Persuading women to have fewer babies would help in some places. But it is no answer to scarce resources
Oct 22nd 2011 | from the print edition
.
 .
IN 1980 Julian Simon, an economist, and Paul Ehrlich, a biologist, made a bet. Mr Ehrlich, author of a bestselling book, called “The Population Bomb”, picked five metals—copper, chromium, nickel, tin and tungsten—and said their prices would rise in real terms over the following ten years. Mr Simon bet that prices would fall. The wager symbolised the dispute between Malthusians who thought a rising population would create an age of scarcity (and high prices) and those “Cornucopians”, such as Mr Simon, who thought markets would ensure plenty.

Mr Simon won easily. Prices of all five metals fell in real terms. As the world economy boomed and population growth began to ebb in the 1990s, Malthusian pessimism retreated.

It is returning. On October 31st the UN will dub a newborn the world’s 7 billionth living person. The 6 billionth, Adnan Nevic, born in October 1999, will be only two weeks past his 12th birthday. If Messrs Simon and Ehrlich had ended their bet today, instead of in 1990, Mr Ehrlich would have won. What with high food prices, environmental degradation and faltering green policies, people are again worrying that the world is overcrowded. Some want restrictions to cut population growth and forestall ecological catastrophe. Are they right?

Lower fertility can be good for economic growth and society (see article). When the number of children a woman can expect to bear in her lifetime falls from high levels of three or more to a stable rate of two, a demographic change surges through the country for at least a generation. Children are scarcer, the elderly are not yet numerous, and the country has a bulge of working-age adults: the “demographic dividend”. If a country grabs this one-off chance for productivity gains and investment, economic growth can jump by as much as a third.

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