India's deadly Maoists
要命的印度毛派分子

（译注：Maoism其实就是毛泽东思想，是西方对毛泽东思想不准确的称呼。Maoist则表示坚持毛泽东思想的人，“毛派分子”属于比较右的译法。这里站在印度角度看，如此译相对恰当一点，毕竟他们势力不大。在印度有一个纳萨尔派（Naxalite），说它是“毛派”，正因为其是由主张通过农民武装斗争夺取政权的共产党人所组成的。至于deadly的译法，请参见文章的最后一句话。）

“THE single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country,” is how Manmohan Singh, India’s prime minister, in April described its Maoist rebels, known as “Naxalites”. Many were taken aback: a violent i_______① in Indian-administered Kashmir has claimed tens of thousands of lives; its north-eastern states are wracked[1] by dozens of secessionist movements; and its cities have been subject to repeated terrorist atrocities—c_______② in this month’s bomb attacks in Mumbai, which killed nearly 200 people.

4月，印度总理曼莫汉·辛格这样描述该国的毛派叛乱分子（亦即纳萨尔派分子）——“我国国内安全面临的一个最大考验”。印属克什米尔地区的一场暴乱夺去了数以万计人的生命；印度东北部各邦被数十个分裂组织搞得支离破碎；许多城市不断遭受恐怖分子肆虐——这在本月孟买发生的炸弹袭击事件中更是达到极致，造成近200人丧生。所有这些都让许多人感到非常震惊。

Compared with such well-known horrors, the Naxalite threat is low-key, insidious[2], and, to the city-dweller, largely i_______③. Yet it now affects at least 170 of India’s 602 districts: a “red corridor”, running from the Nepali border in the north to the state of Karnataka in the south. It takes in some of the poorest parts of India, and in particular forests inhabited mainly by tribal peoples. In some places Naxalites have, in effect, replaced the state, running local affairs through their own councils, and administering their own rough justice. （1）The Indian government estimates that the Naxalites, heirs to a 40-year old movement that splintered[3] and then united in 2004, now have some 10,000 armed fighters, and a further 40,000 full-time supporters.

相比此类众所周知的恐怖事件，纳萨尔派分子造成的威胁则不太引人注目，其动机也比较阴险，而且对于城市居民而言，大部分都未曾亲眼目睹。然而，它的影响现在却波及印度602个区（亦即印度的县）中的至少170个，形成了一条从北部与尼泊尔接壤地区绵延到南部卡纳塔卡的“红色走廊”。这条“走廊”覆盖了印度一些最贫穷的地区，尤其还包括主要是部落人群定居的森林地带。在一些地方，纳萨尔派分子事实上已经取代州政府，通过自己的议会来管理当地事务，并自行草草行使司法审判。印度政府估计，纳萨尔派现在大约拥有1万名武装分子，此外还有4万名忠诚支持者。当年，一个存在40年之久的组织发生瓦解，但在2004年又重新集结，就此组成了纳萨尔派。

They have also executed ever-larger military operations: attacking trains, arranging jail-breaks and, most recently, arranging a co-ordinated attack on a police station, a paramilitary base and a resettlement camp for people displaced by the conflict. In one attack, on July 17th, some 800 Naxalites were involved, and more than 30 people were killed—mostly h_______④ to death with axes.

他们也已实施过几次较大的军事行动，如袭击火车、组织劫狱，而且就在最近，他们对一个警察局、一座议会办公大楼和一所安置冲突中转移人群的安置营地发动了一次协同突击。大约有800名纳萨尔派分子参与了7月17日的一次袭击，超过30人在袭击中丧生——大多是被斧头砍死。

That came in Dantewada, a remote, forested, dirt-poor and sparsely populated district in the south of Chhattisgarh state. Dantewada has become the main focus of the war with the Naxalites, following the e_____⑤ in the district, a year ago, of an anti-Maoist movement, known as Salwa Judum. This is usually translated as meaning “peace march” in the local language, Gondi, but is perhaps closer to “purification drive”. （2）Portrayed as a spontaneous response to Maoist exactions[4], Salwa Judum is now—and many say always has been—an arm of the state, where about 5,000 local tribal people have been armed as “special police officers”, and pitted against[5] the Naxalites.

我们来说说丹德瓦达。这是一个森林密布、人烟稀少的偏远穷困地区，位于查蒂斯加尔邦南部。一个名叫“萨尔瓦－朱杜姆”的反毛派组织一年前在丹德瓦达揭竿而起，随后该地区就成了与纳萨尔派交战的中心。按当地方言“冈德语”，“萨尔瓦－朱杜姆”一词为“和平进军”之意，不过译作“净化运动”可能更为贴切。人们把“萨尔瓦－朱杜姆”说成是一个回应毛派分子强硬行为的自发组织，它现已成为——而且许多人都说从来都是——一支政府军。政府将大约5000名土著武装成“特别警官”，锋芒直指纳萨尔派分子。

As part of this campaign, villages have been emptied, supposedly in order to protect the residents from the Maoists, but often, in practice, in order to root out Maoist sympathisers. Another aim may have been to p______⑥ the Maoists into violent retaliation, and so lose them local support. （3）The result has been a bloody local war in which at least 350 people have so far lost their lives, and nearly 50,000 are holed up[6] in relief camps, with little prospect of being allowed back to their villages, and harbouring well-founded anxieties about the state’s ability to protect them.

作为这一打击的一部分，许多村庄都被清空，据说是为了保护村民不受毛派分子攻击，但通常实际上都是为了肃清毛派支持者。另外，还有一个目的就是激惹毛派分子实施武力报复，从而使其丧失民心。一场地区性血腥戮战已经由此暴发，迄今至少有350人丧生，近5000人躲到难民营中，他们几乎看不到任何能够重返村庄的希望，也完全有理由为政府对他们的保护能力感到担忧。

A huge swathe[7] of Dantewada, where no roads penetrate the forest, remains outside the government’s control. There, the Maoists are well-entrenched[8]. Nearly 60 years after independence, the Indian state has still failed to deliver to these parts even r_______⑦ development: roads, schools, health-care. A big iron mine in the district employs mainly outsiders and pollutes a river. It is easy to see why a crude, violent ideology, discredited even in its homeland, might take root, and why Mr Singh might be right about the Naxalite threat. （4）Other terrorists attack the Indian state at its strongpoints—its secularism, its inclusiveness and its democracy. Naxalism attacks where it is weakest: in delivering basic government services to those who need them most.

丹德瓦达地区辽阔而狭长，森林中没有一条公路，可谓是天高皇帝远。毛派分子在那里的根基十分稳固。独立近50年来，印度政府甚至没有将一些根本性的发展举措比如修路、建校、医疗带到这些地区。当地的一个大型铁矿雇用的大都是外国人，而且还污染了一条河流。如此看来，为何一个粗糙的、暴力性的，甚至在本国都遭到质疑的意识形态（译注：这里，世界观以及历史背景的不同导致本文作者对这一拯救中国人民于水深火热之中的伟大理论所作的评论有失偏颇，读者自当权衡，不可听而信之。）能够在印度生根结果，为何辛格那样描述纳萨尔派分子的威胁是正确的，就很容易明白了。别的恐怖分子对印度政府都是攻其所“长”——它的世俗、包容和民主，而纳萨尔派分子却是攻其所“短”——为那些最需要的人提供政府式的服务。